Esfandyar BatmanghelidjFounder

It won’t be about a strategic realignment to spite the U.S. 

Private-sector growth has compensated for the sanctions squeeze on oil exports, but a new threat looms.

For all Beijing’s claims to support Tehran, it is spooked by American sanctions.

There are ways to address American concerns about giving the Islamic Republic access to financial aid.

The Trump administration can allow the Islamic Republic to deal with the crisis without compromising American security.

The contagion has done what American economic sanctions could not: shut down non-oil exports.

The Treasury Department’s “letter of comfort” opens a long-delayed Swiss channel.

Trump should allow American experts to join the investigation into the crash of the Ukrainian airliner.

Despite U.S. sanctions, the EU exports billions of dollars in industrial goods to the Islamic Republic. 

The Islamic Republic wants to negotiate from a position of strength. A rebound in 2020 might be just the ticket.

As sanctions begin to squeeze its economy, the Islamic Republic is resorting to trade by other means. 

The regime in Tehran was counting on Beijing to defy U.S. sanctions and keep up, even increase, trade. China has other priorities.

Whether the ruler in Tehran has worn a turban or a crown, the business climate has remained awful.

The ‘special purpose vehicle’ for Iran is a strike for greater economic sovereignty.

The U.S. has focused on making sanctions a stronger stick. It needs to make sanctions relief a sweeter carrot.

By exploiting China’s diffidence and Europe’s differences, they are designed to undermine a united opposition to U.S. sanctions.

For the same reason Ronald Reagan allowed agricultural exports to the Soviet Union: he knew it served American interests as well as humanitarian ones.

The U.S. shouldn’t sanction Abdolnasser Hemmati, who may be able to change the regime’s behavior.

Regime-change advocates who dismiss the importance of reform are ignoring the warnings of history.