Thailand is a prosperous nation with strong banks, modern factories, flourishing tourism, a growing middle class and other typical markers of a successful democracy. Which is exactly what it lacks. Thailand has had so many coups in its modern history that scholars sometimes refer to the last 82 years as its “coup season.” In between, violent political strife has been chronic. The latest round features deadly street clashes, politically tainted corruption trials and the army taking control after an election derailed by protests. In contrast to political activists almost everywhere, the ones in Thailand are demanding less democracy.
Thailand’s army seized power in a military coup May 22 after declaring martial law two days earlier, saying it needed to restore peace after rival political groups failed to agree on a solution to end the crisis. Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra was removed from office earlier in the month by the Constitutional Court. More than 100,000 anti-government protesters took to the streets of Bangkok to block the last election, Feb. 2 — a poll they expected to lose. They faced the caretaker government’s mainly rural supporters, called the Red Shirts, who back Yingluck and her brother, former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. He was ousted in the last coup in 2006 but directs policy from abroad through his sister and her Pheu Thai party. The protests began in October against an amnesty bill that would have absolved Thaksin, a billionaire tycoon-turned-politician, after his conviction in 2008. They evolved into a wider push to upend Thaksin’s electoral dominance, which is based, the protesters claim, on vote-buying and favors for the poor. Subsidies for rice farmers helped Thaksin and his allies win the last five elections with support from the vast northeast of the country. The opposition, known as the Yellow Shirts, includes civil servants, middle-aged royalists and supporters of the Democrat party, which led a court-installed government during the last deadly uprising in 2010 and boycotted the Feb. 2 vote. The election was annulled because protesters successfully blocked voting in dozens of districts and a fresh poll may fail to solve the political deadlock. Political violence has killed at least 25 people since November.
Thailand has had a dozen coups since the country’s seven-century reign of kings ended with a bloodless 1932 coup that turned the Kingdom of Siam into a constitutional monarchy. The economy was kick-started by U.S. economic aid that rewarded Thailand’s postwar campaign against communism, then propelled by Japanese and European manufacturers tapping Thai workers to make cars and disc drives for world markets. Successive governments met early ends at the hands of the military or the courts, which see themselves as protectors of the people, obligated to resolve power struggles. Thailand has had more than 20 prime ministers since 1946, when King Bhumibol Adulyadej assumed the throne. The economy has proved resilient, bouncing back from the Asian currency crisis in 1997, the devastating tsunami in 2004 and crippling floods in 2011. About two-thirds of Thailand’s 67 million people live in rural areas and more than 90 percent are Buddhist.
Bangkok’s urban middle class and royalist elite have resisted ceding control after Thaksin drew rural voters to the polls, swelling turnout to more than 75 percent in the last two elections. The protesters reject the idea that they’re thwarting democracy, saying the damaged political system can only produce a credible government after it’s swept clean of Thaksin’s influence. His supporters, enraged by the way their repeated victories have been overturned, have joined the cycle of stalemates and sporadic violence. A gradual accommodation might involve more power-sharing with regional governments, though that could take a generation or more. The worst outcome could be a breakup of the country or even a civil war. While the 86-year-old king, whose portrait hangs in most homes and shops, has intervened in the past to calm his subjects, he’s seen as too ill to do so now.