David Reilly
Representative Barney Frank, a Democrat from Massachusetts, speaks during a news conference on Capitol Hill in Washington, Nov. 3, 2009. Photographer: Brendan Smialowski/Getty Images
Dec. 30 (Bloomberg) -- Bloomberg columnist David Reilly talks with Jon Erlichman about the “Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act,” the financial-reform legislation passed earlier this month by the U.S. House of Representatives. The Senate has yet to pass its own plan. (Source: Bloomberg)
Dec. 24 (Bloomberg) -- U.S. banks that survived the credit crunch are cutting back or eliminating holiday parties. Goldman Sachs, Citigroup Inc., Morgan Stanley and Bank of America Corp. didn’t host official events this year after a public outcry over perks and bonuses awarded to bankers whose firms accepted taxpayer bailouts. Bloomberg's Su Keenan reports. (Source: Bloomberg)
To close out 2009, I decided to do
something I bet no member of Congress has done -- actually read
from cover to cover one of the pieces of sweeping legislation
bouncing around Capitol Hill.
Hunkering down by the fire, I snuggled up with H.R. 4173,
the financial-reform legislation passed earlier this month by
the House of Representatives. The Senate has yet to pass its own
reform plan. The baby of Financial Services Committee Chairman
Barney Frank, the House bill is meant to address everything from
too-big-to-fail banks to asleep-at-the-switch credit-ratings
companies to the protection of consumers from greedy lenders.
I quickly discovered why members of Congress rarely read
legislation like this. At 1,279 pages, the “Wall Street Reform
and Consumer Protection Act” is a real slog. And yes, I plowed
through all those pages. (Memo to Chairman Frank: “ystem” at
line 14, page 258 is missing the first “s”.)
The reading was especially painful since this reform
sausage is stuffed with more gristle than meat. At least, that
is, if you are a taxpayer hoping the bailout train is coming to
a halt.
If you’re a banker, the bill is tastier. While banks
opposed the legislation, they should cheer for its passage by
the full Congress in the New Year: There are huge giveaways
insuring the government will again rescue banks and Wall Street
if the need arises.
Nuggets Gleaned
Here are some of the nuggets I gleaned from days spent
reading Frank’s handiwork:
-- For all its heft, the bill doesn’t once mention the
words “too-big-to-fail,” the main issue confronting the
financial system. Admitting you have a problem, as any 12-
stepper knows, is the crucial first step toward recovery.
-- Instead, it supports the biggest banks. It authorizes
Federal Reserve banks to provide as much as $4 trillion in
emergency funding the next time Wall Street crashes. So much for
“no-more-bailouts” talk. That is more than twice what the Fed
pumped into markets this time around. The size of the fund makes
the bribes in the Senate’s health-care bill look minuscule.
-- Oh, hold on, the Federal Reserve and Treasury Secretary
can’t authorize these funds unless “there is at least a 99
percent likelihood that all funds and interest will be paid
back.” Too bad the same models used to foresee the housing
meltdown probably will be used to predict this likelihood as
well.
More Bailouts
-- The bill also allows the government, in a crisis, to
back financial firms’ debts. Bondholders can sleep easy -- there
are more bailouts to come.
-- The legislation does create a council of regulators to
spot risks to the financial system and big financial firms.
Unfortunately this group is made up of folks who missed the
problems that led to the current crisis.
-- Don’t worry, this time regulators will have better
tools. Six months after being created, the council will report
to Congress on “whether setting up an electronic database”
would be a help. Maybe they’ll even get to use that Internet
thingy.
-- This group, among its many powers, can restrict the
ability of a financial firm to trade for its own account.
Perhaps this section should be entitled, “Yes, Goldman Sachs
Group Inc., we’re looking at you.”
Managing Bonuses
-- The bill also allows regulators to “prohibit any
incentive-based payment arrangement.” In other words, banker
bonuses are still in play. Maybe Bank of America Corp. and
Citigroup Inc. shouldn’t have rushed to pay back Troubled Asset
Relief Program funds.
-- The bill kills the Office of Thrift Supervision, a
toothless watchdog. Well, kill may be too strong a word. That
agency and its employees will be folded into the Office of the
Comptroller of the Currency. Further proof that government never
really disappears.
-- Since Congress isn’t cutting jobs, why not add a few
more. The bill calls for more than a dozen agencies to create a
position called “Director of Minority and Women Inclusion.”
People in these new posts will be presidential appointees. I
thought too-big-to-fail banks were the pressing issue. Turns out
it’s diversity, and patronage.
-- Not that the House is entirely sure of what the issues
are, at least judging by the two dozen or so studies the bill
authorizes. About a quarter of them relate to credit-rating
companies, an area in which the legislation falls short of
meaningful change. Sadly, these studies don’t tackle tough
questions like whether we should just do away with ratings
altogether. Here’s a tip: Do the studies, then write the
legislation.
Consumer Protection
-- The bill isn’t all bad, though. It creates a new
Consumer Financial Protection Agency, the brainchild of
Elizabeth Warren, currently head of a panel overseeing TARP. And
the first director gets the cool job of designing a seal for the
new agency. My suggestion: Warren riding a fiery chariot while
hurling lightning bolts at Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke.
-- Best of all, the bill contains a provision that, in the
event of another government request for emergency aid to prop up
the financial system, debate in Congress be limited to just 10
hours. Anything that can get Congress to shut up can’t be all
bad.
Even better would be if legislators actually tackle the
real issues stemming from the financial crisis, end bailouts
and, for the sake of my eyes, write far, far shorter bills.
(David Reilly is a Bloomberg News columnist. The opinions
expressed are his own.)
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David Reilly at dreilly14@bloomberg.net