Republican Woes Run Far Deeper Than Iraq, Bush: Albert R. Hunt
Commentary by Albert R. Hunt
Sept. 3 (Bloomberg) -- Whether selecting a financial
investment or betting on an athletic team, fundamentals are more
important than snapshot performances or big stars. That's true in
politics, too.
American Republicans are in bad shape beyond next year's
election for basic reasons, aside from the war in Iraq or the
unpopularity of the incumbent; almost every important indicator
is negative for them.
Among key constituencies, the most worrisome are young
voters, the fastest-growing slice of the U.S. electorate and one
where lifetime habits are ingrained early. These voters -- 18 to
29 year olds -- are deserting the Republicans.
``If current trends continue, Republicans are in desperate
shape with these critical young voters,'' says Frank Fahrenkopf,
the party's national chairman during Ronald Reagan's presidency.
To be sure, some of the Republican woes are predictable. In
the past half-century, four out of five times the party that held
the White House for two consecutive terms failed to win a third.
And parties don't win elections while waging unpopular wars.
The always important enthusiasm quotient -- crowds,
volunteers, polls, fund raising -- is all with the Democrats.
And like an old cartoon character, an omnipresent cloud
seems to hang over the Republicans. A Karl Rove and an Alberto
Gonzales fade away only to be replaced by sex scandals: Senator
Larry Craig of Idaho pleads guilty after being arrested in an
undercover sting and Senator David Vitter of Louisiana is linked
to a Washington escort service.
Cause for Gloom
Sex scandals have a short shelf life, though. And if the
problem were simply an unpopular president and/or war, then an
unconventional Republican standard-bearer -- say a Rudy Giuliani
or a John McCain -- might overcome other obstacles, and the party
could maintain its parity in American politics.
The more basic considerations are cause for gloom. The
fastest-growing major ethnic voters in America are Hispanics.
Several years ago, there was Republican optimism that the party's
promotion of a can-do entrepreneurial spirit and fealty to old-
fashioned values were winners with these voters; in the last
presidential election, George W. Bush got 40 percent of the
Hispanic vote, a significant increase from earlier contests.
The ugly fight over immigration, with prominent Republicans
leading the bashing, has set back these hopes, perhaps for years.
In the midterm elections last November, the Republican Latino
vote dropped to 30 percent.
``If we get the same type of Hispanic support in the next
election cycle that we did in the last, there is no way we could
elect a Republican president,'' says Florida Senator Mel
Martinez, chairman of the national Republican Party.
Rove's Failed Plan
The problems with young voters are deeper, more profound.
Some background: In the 1984 presidential election, those between
the ages of 18 and 29 voted for Reagan by a margin of 59 percent
to 40 percent. Four years later, a majority supported George H.W.
Bush, the current president's father.
Rove, the younger President Bush's political mastermind,
envisioned that younger voters, attracted by the promise of an
``opportunity society,'' would emerge as an important element in
a generation of Republican dominance.
That plan has been a dismal failure. By 2004, young voters,
a little over one-sixth of the electorate, were the only age
cohort that supported Democrat John Kerry, by 54 percent to 45
percent. By the midterm elections last year, these voters backed
Democrats by 60 percent to 38 percent. If young voters had simply
split in the 2004 presidential race, Bush would have won an
electoral landslide rather than a close race. If Kerry had gotten
60 percent of the youth vote, he'd be president today.
Cultural Divide
Surveys suggest multiple causes for this shift. Clearly,
opposition to the war in Iraq is one; youth also generally look
more to the government for solutions to domestic concerns. The
war, however, ultimately will end, and views about the
government's role can change, as Reagan's popularity in the 1980s
suggests.
More enduring may be a cultural divide or the considerably
greater tolerance of young people on social issues. On questions
about gays, interracial dating or immigration, surveys by the Pew
Research Center and other organizations show young people are far
more liberal and tolerant than older voters.
Many Republicans reflect intolerance on these matters, and
the face of the party is a bunch of middle-aged white guys, an
image antithetical to young Americans.
``This is the most diverse, multicultural generation ever;
they embrace diversity, they think differences are cool,'' says
Hans Riemer, national youth director for Democrat Barack Obama.
Republicans, he argues, are paying a huge price for visible
hostility on some of these matters: ``Young voters are turned off
by anyone who is repulsed by differences.''
Ties That Bind
This is of more than passing concern.
Although young people still vote in fewer numbers, that's
starting to change; the biggest increase in voting in 2004 from
the previous election was among the young. Moreover, academic
studies consistently show that once Americans vote for a specific
party in multiple elections it starts to become a habit.
``Persons that identify with one of the parties typically
have held the same partisan tie for all or almost all of their
adult lives,'' concludes the classic work, ``The American
Voter.''
The young Republicans that Reagan hooked in the 1980s formed
the base of much of the party's success in subsequent elections.
Fahrenkopf remembers visiting Reagan in the Oval Office two
decades ago to bring him ``good news and bad news.'' The good
news, the party chairman explained, was that Republicans were
doing decidedly better than Democrats among young people for the
first time in a couple of generations.
``What's the bad news?'' the Gipper asked.
``They don't vote,'' the party chairman replied.
They're starting to, and overwhelmingly they are not pulling
Republican levers.
To contact the writer of this column:
Albert R. Hunt in Washington at
ahunt1@bloomberg.net
.
Last Updated: September 2, 2007 10:32 EDT