Schwarzenegger, Reeling a Year Ago, Heads Toward Re-Election
By Roger Simon
Sept. 15 (Bloomberg) -- Arnold Schwarzenegger sits on a
folding chair next to a low stage set up on Venice Beach in Los
Angeles. On the stage, Jerome Ferguson is wearing a purple velour
G-string, combat boots and nothing else. His heavily muscled,
oiled body glistens in the sun.
After Ferguson strikes a few classic bodybuilding poses, the
hit song ``Who Let The Dogs Out?'' comes pounding through the
loudspeakers, and he begins dancing around the stage, throwing
his fist into the air.
The Republican governor of California rises, pumps his own
fist in the air, and leaps onto the stage. Ferguson turns toward
him. ``I love you, Arnold,'' he says. Schwarzenegger strides to
the nearly naked bodybuilder and clasps Ferguson's hand in his
own. The crowd roars its approval.
Welcome to politics in California.
Schwarzenegger, 59, is more than a governor. He is a
cultural phenomenon. He came to California from Austria at age 20
with only ``dreams and a gym bag,'' as he likes to say. He became
a world-famous bodybuilder, a movie star, a real-estate mogul and
chief executive of the most-populous state in the U.S.
Now he's in the process of another re-invention: moving
toward Democratic policies even as he runs for re-election as a
Republican.
Less than a year ago, Schwarzenegger's political prospects
were grim. His popularity plunged after he veered to the right,
proposing a package of four ballot initiatives that were all
rejected by the voters in a special election.
Stumbled
``I stumbled along the way, no two ways about it,''
Schwarzenegger said in an interview.
Since then, he has shifted to the left, bringing in a new
set of advisers, some of them Democrats, and embracing a number
of popular measures passed by California's Democratic
legislature. Polls now show him leading his Democratic opponent,
Phil Angelides, the state treasurer.
Schwarzenegger became governor in 2003 when the incumbent,
Democrat Gray Davis, was recalled by voters. Schwarzenegger was
elected out of a field of 135 candidates with 48.6 percent of the
vote. There was no primary, which was key to his victory. In a
primary, a Republican candidate more conservative than
Schwarzenegger -- who favors abortion rights, stem-cell research,
gay rights and gun control -- might have defeated him.
``The key thing for California is that you have to be in the
center,'' the governor says, seated at a desk in Carlsbad, in one
of the 48 Schwarzenegger volunteer offices that dot the state.
``People want to see someone who has a commonsense approach and
that doesn't look at every decision as a party decision. This is
what my intention is -- not that I always was successful.''
Rejected
His efforts in last year's special election were
spectacularly unsuccessful. The initiatives he proposed -- and
wrote a $7 million personal check to support -- would have
limited the political power of labor unions, changed the way
legislative districts were drawn, extended the probationary
period for teachers from two years to five and given the governor
new spending controls.
They were seen as too partisan and too conservative for the
state, says Sherry Bebitch Jeffe, a senior scholar at the
University of Southern California's School of Policy, Planning
and Development; Schwarzenegger's wife, former television
newscaster and Kennedy-family member Maria Shriver, was the first
to warn him of that.
`Being a Fool'
``The partisans on his staff won out over the pragmatists
that included Maria,'' says Jeffe. ``Arnold bought the argument
that he had to be more identified with his Republican base. Maria
told him he was being a fool, and that it would not work.''
Two days after the vote, which cost Californians $50 million
to conduct, Schwarzenegger held a news conference to take
responsibility for the defeat and admit his wife had been right.
``If I would do another `Terminator' movie, I would have
Terminator travel back in time to tell Arnold not to have a
special election,'' he said.
His approval rating, which had stood at 62 percent in
January 2005, plunged to 35 percent by December. So
Schwarzenegger and his wife recruited a new top tier of advisers.
They include Susan Kennedy, a Democrat who had been an aide to
Davis, as chief of staff; Steve Schmidt, a Republican who worked
in President George W. Bush's White House, as campaign manager;
Matthew Dowd, a Democrat turned Republican who was Bush's chief
campaign strategist in 2004, as top strategist; and Daniel
Zingale, a Democrat and longtime gay-rights advocate, as
Shriver's chief of staff.
Schwarzenegger says his experience as a bodybuilder and
actor, which he brings up often in conversation, showed him that
working with ``every race and religion and women, man, everyone
together in one pot'' was more important than partisan politics.
`The Smart One'
``I never got into that whole thing about `the Republican
way is the only way to go,''' he says. ``As a matter of fact, I
always said both parties have something to offer and the person
that really can combine the two is really the smart one.''
Besides assembling his bipartisan team, Schwarzenegger has
endorsed measures passed by the state legislature, anathema to
many Republicans, to raise the minimum wage, provide
prescription-drug assistance and cap greenhouse-gas emissions.
``I will always have Republican principles like low taxes or
get government off the people's back'' and ``a strong belief that
the government is really responsible for the safety of the
people,'' he says. ``But from then on, you know, it can go all
over the place as far as what is best for the people is really
ultimately what is for me the question always.''
`Fake' Democrat
Angelides, for one, doesn't buy his shift. ``Arnold
Schwarzenegger has tried to fake being a Democrat, but in a year
when the public will reject the George Bush agenda, the people
will elect a real Democrat to run this state,'' Angelides, 53,
says in an interview.
At the same time, he admits he is waging an uphill battle
against a man whose charisma has made him an international
superstar. The latest Public Policy Institute of California poll,
conducted in late August, showed Schwarzenegger with 45 percent
of the vote, Angelides with 32 percent and 23 percent undecided.
``Some days it is like climbing Mount Everest,'' Angelides
says. ``The lungs hurt, the legs hurt, it's hard. But the people
know in their gut Schwarzenegger doesn't stand with them; he
stands with George Bush.''
Bill Carrick, a veteran Democratic strategist working for
Angelides, says the campaign's focus groups show that ``Arnold's
likeability cuts two ways: He is an action hero who is larger
than life, but people are suspicious he is not up to the job,
that he is not quite genuine, not authentic.''
`Policy Wonk'
Schmidt, Schwarzenegger's campaign manager, says the
governor is ``serious and substantive,'' even ``a policy wonk''
who works seven days a week studying issues. What some dismiss as
stunts are, in fact, examples of the governor's ``unbridled
enthusiasm,'' he says.
``We were in Bakersfield in a field of corn one day, and the
governor commented on the beauty of the corn,'' Schmidt says.
``There were no cameras around. This is typical of him. He is a
man of great joy.''
With California governors limited to two terms, ``some think
Schwarzenegger's true conservatism will come forth if he is
elected to a second term,'' Jeffe says. ``But I think he will be
free to drop the pretense that he is a Republican.''
Eli Attie, who was a speechwriter for former Vice President
Al Gore and who is now advising Angelides, says the public will
eventually turn to a man of action and not a man of acting.
``Angelides is the perfect anti-Arnold,'' Attie says. ``Angelides
radiates `I know how to govern; I will not try to blind you with
showmanship.'''
No Dirty Word
Showmanship isn't a dirty word to Schwarzenegger, who says
it has nothing to do with being a fake. Asked if he uses anything
in politics that he learned from his movie career, Schwarzenegger
says: ``The sincerity. To penetrate with your honesty is really
what it is all about in acting, because in the close-up on the
screen, people can read your eyes and your honesty, and the same
is in politics.
``People look at you, many times they forget the words, but
they look at you and they walk away and they say, `I believe this
guy.'''
To contact the reporter on this story:
Roger Simon in Washington at
rogersimon@bloomberg.net
.
Last Updated: September 15, 2006 00:08 EDT