Blunt, Boehner Share Broad Network of Lobbyist Ties With DeLay
By Jonathan D. Salant and Laura Litvan
Jan. 10 (Bloomberg) -- Representatives Roy Blunt of
Missouri and John Boehner of Ohio have been among the key
intermediaries between Republican lawmakers and lobbyists since
their party took control of the U.S. Congress in 1995.
Now, with both men vying to succeed Representative Tom
DeLay as House majority leader, those ties may loom as an issue.
Representative Jeff Flake, an Arizona Republican, said
concerns that the two men are too close to Washington's K Street
lobbying corridor may encourage a dark-horse candidate to run
against them. ``We have three weeks until this election, and a
lot can happen between now and then,'' Flake said.
DeLay's Jan. 7 decision to permanently relinquish his
leadership post came after former aides were mentioned in a
plea-bargain agreement with Republican lobbyist Jack Abramoff.
House Republicans, who will hold a new vote the week of Jan. 30,
have pledged to address ethics issues, including a possible
overhaul of lobbying rules.
Blunt, 55, and DeLay, 58, share a network of ties as
extensive as any in Congress, including links to lobbyists.
Blunt, who was tapped by then-House Republican Whip DeLay
in 1999 to be his chief deputy, has been acting majority leader
since Texan DeLay stepped down after being indicted in September
on unrelated money-laundering charges in Austin.
Both men's political action committees employ Jim Ellis,
who was indicted along with DeLay. DeLay's PAC gave Blunt's
committee a $150,000 donation in 2000, and Blunt's PAC gave
$10,000 to DeLay's non-profit foundation that same year. Both
lawmakers' PACs have employed Alexander Strategy Group, a
Georgetown-based firm whose partners include former Abramoff and
DeLay associates.
Liaison With Lobbyists
Blunt also has served as the Republicans' official liaison
to K Street. In one meeting at the Capitol last April, he
rounded up some 200 lobbyists to talk with top Republicans,
including Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, about the party's
agenda.
Boehner, 56, who has been in Congress since 1991, has said
he and DeLay have had conflicts in the past, and other lawmakers
say they are not close. Even so, Boehner has strong connections
to lobbyists: He met weekly with leading lobbyists to enlist
their support and discuss strategy during his four years as
House Republican Conference chairman, from 1995 to 1998.
Sallie Mae
The top donor to Boehner's leadership PAC in 2003-2004 was
SLM Corp., the Reston, Virginia-based student-loan company
better known as Sallie Mae. SLM contributed $65,170 to Boehner's
Freedom Project, more than twice as much as the second-biggest
donor, New York-based Goldman Sachs Group Inc. The money came as
the House Education and Workforce Committee, which Boehner
chairs, prepared to write new legislation governing student
loans.
In 1995, Boehner handed out campaign checks from the
tobacco industry to members on the House floor at a time when
lawmakers were considering eliminating a tobacco subsidy.
Representative Chris Shays, a Connecticut Republican, said
he believes that Boehner is even closer to lobbyists than Blunt.
``The problem John faces is that he's so close to K Street;
that's the challenge he's got,'' said Shays, who's backing
Blunt.
Boehner's office declined to comment on lawmakers' concerns
about his ties to lobbyists.
Jessica Boulanger, a spokeswoman for Blunt, said the
lawmaker has met regularly with lobbyists because it's part of
his job.
``In his role as whip, Congressman Blunt welcomed
assistance from any group, from lobbyists to labor unions to
family groups to farmers, willing to support House Republicans'
agenda,'' Boulanger said.
``He is 100 percent committed to swift enactment of
lobbying-reform legislation and pledges to make it a top
priority if elected leader,'' Boulanger said.
`K Street Project'
A decade ago, DeLay orchestrated the ``K Street Project,''
an effort to get trade associations and lobbying firms to hire
Republicans and raise money for the party. Blunt, who was
elected the party's vote-counting whip in 2003, worked to get
the same groups to help push the Republican agenda.
Beginning in 1999, DeLay tapped Blunt to harness
Washington's lobbyist community into a force that could help win
votes on issues ranging from a $1.3 trillion tax cut to a $720
billion Medicare prescription drug benefit.
Blunt was DeLay's ambassador to the community, said Gregg
Hartley, Blunt's former chief of staff and now vice chairman of
Cassidy & Associates, Washington's second-biggest lobbying firm
by revenue.
Reaching Out
``We formalized the process of reaching out to them,''
Hartley said. ``You could talk to Tom or Tom's people, or Roy or
Roy's people. It was all the same.''
While they helped push through the Republican legislative
agenda, those ties could be a disadvantage in the post-Abramoff
era, said Representative Ray LaHood, an Illinois Republican.
``Roy is going to have to convince every member of the
conference that he is willing to break with the old ways of
doing things,'' LaHood said of Blunt. ``It looks to the public
like K Street is running everything.''
Blunt's name has come up in connection with the Abramoff
investigation. In May 2003, he wrote a letter to Interior
Secretary Gale Norton opposing a casino for an Indian tribe that
would have rivaled one operated by an Abramoff client. A month
later, Blunt signed a similar letter along with DeLay, House
Speaker Dennis Hastert and Chief Deputy Whip Eric Cantor. Blunt
said on Jan. 4 he would donate to charity $8,500 he received
from Abramoff.
Tobacco Link
Blunt also has links to the tobacco industry. In 2002, he
tried to insert language into a bill creating the Homeland
Security Department that would have aided Philip Morris Cos.,
now Altria Group Inc., by making it harder to sell cigarettes
over the Internet, the Washington Post reported. Blunt later
married Altria lobbyist Abigail Perlman.
New York-based Altria, whose Philip Morris unit is the
nation's largest tobacco company, is Blunt's biggest career
campaign donor, giving $202,909 to his campaign committee and
leadership PACs through 2004, according to a review of campaign-
finance disclosures.
``This slate is not going to be the new broom to sweep
clean,'' said Celia Wexler, vice president for advocacy at
Common Cause, a Washington-based group that's pushing for
tougher ethics laws. ``There's no indication that Boehner and
Blunt have ever bucked this way of looking at things or doing
business. They have been part of the K Street clique.''
To contact the reporters on this story:
Laura Litvan in Washington at
llitvan@bloomberg.net
;
Jonathan D. Salant in Washington at
jsalant@bloomberg.net
.
Last Updated: January 10, 2006 00:01 EST